Key Terms

Peter Singer in his essay “Famine, Affluence, and Morality”, describes “duty” as perspective of duty versus charity, stating that duty is “what it would be good to do but not wrong not to do (236).” His utilitarian perspective shines when defining this term, prioritizing what society should do to function more efficiently. An example of a duty was donating to charity, frequently more important than personal wants in Singer’s eyes. 

In Justice William Brennan’s essay “The Constitution of the United States: Contemporary Ratification”, duty to him comes in a different form, a political duty; an obligation geared towards our government and its stability. As established in the paper, “it is the essence of self government (13),” to recognize different public affairs and debate them as justices. Brennan offers more explanations of what it means to have opinions, and how it promotes thought provoking statements individuals can build on when forming their own political opinions.

In Jeremy Bentham’s book “An Introduction to the Principles of Morals and Legislation”, pleasure is a value, similar to pain that they are not only quantifiable, but “the ends that the legislator has in view (31).” Bentham has a couple of guidelines to distinguish pain or pleasure, emphasizing that both are feelings often misconstrued. By measuring their duration, or intensity, utilitarian philosophers similar to Bentham can distinguish these feelings and their affects to our body. Another thing to mention is the lasting impact of the action, as utilitarians want the most benefit with the least risk. Pleasure is the better feeling out of the two, citing the principle of utility in ways of optimal happiness. 

In the epic poem Dante’s Inferno, pleasure is a sin. Dante further characterizes them as seeking ultimate pleasure, which he equates with committing the sin of lust. In the second circle, Dante and Virgil find a couple eternally molested by the wind, and saying it “seized me with pleasure of this man so strongly (34).” Contrasted to Bentham’s meaning, pleasure is chastised and results in endless suffering, categorizing the desires to be dastardly. Pleasure is referred to in the poem as an admirable feeling, all the while getting punished for exploring others the improper way.

Jeremy Bentham’s book “An Introduction to the Principles of Morals and Legislation” denotes pain as “evil, mischief, or inconvenience (Bentham 33).” Pain is the direct opposite of pleasure and, like pleasure, is quantifiable. It can be a negative feeling experienced before pleasure or one that simply leads to more pain. Bentham explicitly states that we seek to avoid pain. He argues that defining these sensations is necessary to “understand their force, or in other words, their value” (31) in motivating our actions. In order to distinguish pain and pleasure Bentham declares a need to outline the guidelines in which it is plausible to quantify pain and pleasure. Pain is “to be deemed properties only of the act (Bentham 32)”, and a separation of the two is needed in order for both functions to coexist.
In the epic poem Dante’s Inferno, pain is a necessity for Hell to reign. The residents of Hell are defined by their deep saturation in pain. They thrive on it, for it is the very condition of their damnation. In Canto 9, Dante and Virgil uncover three Furies, trying to distract them and attempt to trap Dante in this wicked place. A person, trapped and in eternal torture shouts out that their pain is “deprivation merely of sweet hope (44)?” It provokes the question of whether the people tortured slowly begin to relish in the pain, switching from agony to desire. Many other instances in the epic poem, one of which entails a man, Count Ugolino, forced to gnaw at his traitor nemesis, Archbishop Ruggieri, spins the punishment as retributive. Although both men betrayed their country, Ugolino in a way still has the upper hand, as he is the one in power and forever inflicts harm on the other. Receiving some sort of justice, as Ugolino can get back at Reggieri for inflicting pain on the Count and his family.

Aime Cesaire notes colonialism in the book “Discourse on Colonialism” as waste, causing more disadvantages than colonists bargained for. He states that “there could not come a single human value (Cesaire 34)”, and he heavily detests not only the idea but the implication of exploiting unwilling natives. A civilization that decides to colonize others is a corrupt civilization, profiting because they choose not to work themselves. Cesaire uses the term ‘morally diseased’ to describe colonialism, and he finds no retribution for these actions, from Congo to Germany. It is the basis of conquering, and concepts like slavery flourish from the then societal acceptance of colonialism.

In the book “Decolonization and Afro-Feminism,” Sylvia Tamale clearly describes colonialism as a ‘process by which a people exploit and/or annex the lands and resources of another without their consent and unilaterally expand political power over them (Tamale xiii).’It contributes to the passage by acting as the primary problem and starting point for the discussion. It refers to the historical and ongoing system where one nation subjugates another; politically, economically, and, crucially for this topic, socially and culturally. Colonialism in this context defines the scope of what needs to be undone, but to undo the mess of colonialism is undoing the full society. Tamale’s work argues that colonialism and patriarchy are interconnected. Colonialism contributes by framing the central argument: you cannot have true decolonization without feminism. An “Afro-Feminist” approach is necessary because it is the only one that seeks to dismantle both the racist, external oppression of colonialism and the sexist, internal oppression that colonialism helped create.

Michel Foucault derived one of the most influential works when founding ideas of privacy and fear, and the concept of a panopticon is a timeless model. The concept of such is that it is meant “to induce in the inmate a state of conscious and permanent visibility that assures the auto- matic functioning of power,” (Foucault 6). A circular shaped dome swirling a light around a larger circle of prison cells, it gives those in the cells the fear that they are constantly being surveilled. There are two different ways that a prisoner could attack this situation: constantly surveil the watchtower to know when you are being watched, or always assume you are being watched. It relates to the privacy systems, more cameras arising in public spaces makes people be on their best behavior. This unspoken obedience asserts control, a point Foucault emphasizes greatly.

In Cheryl Harris’ academic journal titled “Whiteness as Property,” a principal component in the book is whiteness, a concept that works with property wherein they “share a common premise-the right to exclude,” (Harris 8). Harris continues by explaining the privilege many ‘whites’ fail to recognize they have, stating “whiteness, the characteristic that distinguishes them from Blacks, serves as compensation even to those who lack material wealth,” (Harris 53). It brings about questions of this unearned physical, economic, and cultural advantage and how it plays into society’s natural bias towards a skin color. Defining whiteness as property explains why slavery’s structural legacy continues: furthering the divide of choice, and freedom. 

In the book “Until we Reckon” by Danielle Sered, the lens of ‘whiteness’ is examined through functional accountability, finding restorative justice through the many flawed laws that construct prison. She simply says that we would be able to describe whiteness “as the oldest alternative to incarceration in America,” (Sered 29). The discussion of prison systems brings up the most common perpetrators, adolescents and black people. As flawed as it is, it is more prevalent for a black person to experience violence and be convicted than their white counterpart; which brings up the rehabilitation push for the US prison systems rather than punishment. 

Nancy Fraser’s article, “Rethinking Recognition,” instead of defining the concept of whiteness, gives examples of the stereotypes compared to black people. For example, ‘whites’ are law-abiding, and ‘blacks’ are dangerous (Fraser 8). The paper delves into recognition of the cultural differences and how law systems respond when certain demographics face trouble. It is those distributive subtexts that allow for thought about the accessibility of resources to demographics that hits the point Fraser wants to make- the continuation of institutionalized subordination. She also points out that in the commercial market ‘whites’ are aligned with more masculine ideals, while feminine ideals are marketed towards ‘blacks’ (Fraser 12).

In Raj Patel and Jason Moore’s book called “A History of the World in Seven Cheap Things,” nature, money, work, care, food, energy and lives are all described to cause strife to world-making; with money being a strong underlying root to problems found in capital trader and economic flourishing. Money is connected to capitalism, the reason the seven ‘cheap’ things are able to be exploited through violent ways. “Cheap is a strategy, a practice, a violence that mobilizes all kinds of work,” (Patel and Moore, 22). Cheap as a statement reinforces unethical methods of retaining the most money at the end. Money is not to be confused with capital, though. A point made in the book is that “money tucked under a mattress is as dead to capitalism as the mattress itself,” (Patel and Moore, 26). Money is a power only useful once utilized. It puts into play different class structures and poses a person’s semblance based on their bank account. Money in this sense works with nature and culture to create a statement that exploits the working class.

Cheryl Harris’ article titled “Whiteness as Property,” the definition of money is at its core a power divide. Connecting to the main focus in the paper, ‘whiteness’ stands to have more power than a monetary value. “The wages of whiteness are available to all whites regardless of class position, even to those whites who are without power, money, or influence,” (Harris 53). This mere mention of money classifies money for what it is in this context-a pseudo barrier. The true barrier is stereotypical notions lasting throughout society. To be white is to be richer than a black man. It is a token, a false promise that those without white privilege can be as influential as a white person.

Michel Foucault, in both his books “Docile Bodies” and “Discipline and Punish” detail what discipline means. A “general formula of domination,” discipline explains in both these texts why it is that it functions so well (Foucault 4). A distant relation of submission, outward factors like surveillance and the panopticon enable discipline to work so well; society does not like getting caught. It promotes control through fear, a tactic that abuses the human instinct of safety. Simply stated, Foucault states “discipline is a political anatomy of detail,” (Foucault 14). Power, through his lens, is not contorted by brute force, but through minute features. In the eyes of his portrayed society, every detail has immense detail and each movement has a purpose. In the book “Docile Bodies,” Foucault refers to the body as bringing “essential correlations and spontaneously rejecting the incompatible,” (22), an indication that we have a sense of where and how our bodies should be grounded. The body works with the definition of discipline as it is contorted by it, manipulated by larger authority and society in general.

Nwando Achebe analyzes a titular character, Ahebi Ugababe, and her impact on the community of Nskukka in the case study “King Ahebi Ugbabe versus the Community.” Defining the entire paper stems from the divine nature, or chi, and its ability to “become the spiritual double of the person throughout his/her life (Achebe 199).” The concept of having destiny written based on moral character depicts society as open minded and untraditional. Ahebi manages to find retribution through exile, and her mental persuasion ranks her from once destined to suffer, to ruling her community. Ahebi becomes Chief Justice, governing those who once found her career unfit in Nsukka society.

Justice William Brennan’s essay “The Constitution of the United States: Contemporary Ratification,” categorizes nature as a way of being. The specific example mentioning the nature behind it is the death penalty, vocalized as something Brennan finds unfit in the society we live in. “An absolute denial of the executed person’s humanity (Brennan 15)”, or its very nature, is tastefully constructed to exemplify injustice. It strips the convicted of any rights or dignity they once had, and lacks any morality. Brennan uses this to justify his central argument of a modern interpretation in the Constitution, and looking past old ideologies.

Robert Cover’s “The Supreme Court, 1982 Term–Foreword: Nomos and Narrative” entails a prominent and groundbreaking term: Nomos. To have a nomos is to know yourself. Simply put, it is an “integrated world of obligation and reality (Cover 31)”, from which the world perceives the one judging. It is the foundation to understanding Cover’s argument throughout the passage, that laws and narratives outline our nomos. Those in turn, use their nomos to shape different institutions and values.

The epic poem Dante’s Inferno details one of the most vital components of hell, punishment, as a double sided sword: containing pride and guilt. Prisoners are both ashamed and delighted of their fates, as they resemble what heinous offense occurred. The higher the circle number, the more gruesome the crime, and in the poem Dante commands explanations by stating they should “make yourselves afraid to show yourselves to me (196).” To him, punishments are a brand of the horrid situations residents of hell enacted, and his attitude towards their suffering adapts from sympathy to apathy. Defining punishment is vital, as it sets the vindictive tone each canto is meant to portray.

Punishment is defined to be “the infliction of hard treatment by an authority on a person for his prior failing in some respect,” (Feinburg 2). Joel Feinburg’s online article, titled “The Expressive Function of Punishment,” details the classification of such a vague term; merely a device to express feelings of indignation. Inherently symbolic, it is used to label moral condemnation for wrongdoings rather than what it is, which is an inconvenience at best.

M. NourbeSe Philip’s poem “Zong!” encapsulates the meaning of twisting words and demanding a statement. The poem uses the words in the Gregson v. Gilbert court case and personifies letters to resemble the slaves’ truth. Truth in the court case is written as “slaves dying for want of provisions (Philip 211)”, and the rationale of disposing of people because of the skin is a demand never justified. It highlights the hypocrisy of the case and emphasizes the reality of racism at the time.

The screenplay “Death and its Maiden” written by Ariel Dorfmann contains a character, Paulina, determined to find the truth. For her, this is the confession of Roberto, and admitting he was her perpetrator. This comes in forms of urgency, “I need the truth, Gerardo (18)” and exasperation “The truth, Doctor (Dorfman 59)”. More than anything, Paulina seeks justice in the form of her memories and honesty: her frustration from Roberto roots in his lack of acceptance. They both know he committed the crimes, Roberto unlike Paulina attempts to resist his fate, unknowing his remorse was his only escape.

In the article titled “Whiteness as Property,” Cheryl Harris deliberates on the meaning of identity. She describes it as, “was not a right for all people, but a privilege accorded on the basis of race,” (Harris 38). This follows in accordance with her paper’s notion that to be white grants you more respect than any other feature a person could have-money and culture do not compare to a race rarely discriminated against. The purpose of identifying the problem as such is to try and strip the discriminated against of the power they barely have; coercing themselves to deny their autonomy to survive. The concept of surviving is frequent in this piece; because in a society where ‘blacks’ have no freedom themselves, they must conform to the ideals of society, whether that means stripping their identity.

In Nancy Fraser’s online journal, “Rethinking Recognition,” the idea of identity politics was introduced as another way of looking at structure in an economically centered society. Contrary to race classifying people, identity politics is stated to be “reprioritizing class over gender, sexuality, ‘race’, and ethnicity,” (Fraser 2). Fraser recognizes identity politics to come into play when discussing wealth; debates about wealth are overshadowed by recognition for cultural identity and respect among different communities. Identity politics mistakenly believes economic inequalities are simple expressions of cultural hierarchies, and that “maldistribution can be remedied indirectly,” (Fraser 5). It oftentimes focuses more on cultural recognitions and reparations than the economic ones, though the point is to draw attention to the economic disparities. 

The court case “US v. Jones,” details a case where a man named Jones was wrongfully tracked, the police intentionally not sticking to the previous rules attached to try and catch this man. Repeated throughout the text is the saying ‘reasonable expectation of privacy,’ a right protected in the Fourth Amendment (US v. Jones 4). Justices alike agree with the sentiment that the man had not assumed he had no privacy in the safety of the car, and the discrepancy over the secured right found in the Amendment versus the events that occurred is distasteful. It brings into question the extent of the privacy ‘guaranteed’ by the government, and to what point they mold their own rights to find retributive justice.

Nancy Fraser’s book “Rethinking Recognition” is circulated around recognition, simply put to be “an ideal reciprocal relation between subjects, in which each sees each other both as its equal and also as separate from it,” (Fraser 3). In a way, recognition of race, which promotes disparity socially. To have the sense of recognition is having a sense of self-in the context of the paper, recognition for African Americans means disrespect and misrecognition.

Cheryl Harris defines recognition as “thus an act of race subordination,” (Harris 35). In the paper, recognition is used legally, as carrying the recognition of ‘white’ carried immense legal benefits, whereas ‘black’ carried the attribute of having no property. To be recognized as having privilege granted those who had it legitimate social status and self-identification that those who were not could never have. It elevates certain races, and gives them ‘the right’ to hold object and a resource deployable to maintain order.

In “Embodying History,” Ann Cooper Albright defines minstrelsy as a space where performers “claim and embody identities in ways that resist pat or simplistic constructions of race, gender, or sexuality,” (Albright 26). The text illustrates how African American choreography revives ancestral memory, fostering a sense of community through the physical act of remembrance. Albright effectively distinguishes between objective history and subjective narrative; while society might approach these dances to learn about the past, the audience remains for the stories that connect human experiences across time.

Gottschild defines minstrelsy as “the love/hate contestation of the white-black exchange” (5). To note, there was no inch of love found in the cartoons and depictions; more a fascination with African American culture, while undermining their freedom. This text explores how performers appropriated the very culture they sought to marginalize, using mimicry to cast prejudice upon it. By weaponizing slurs and reinforcing harmful stereotypes, minstrelsy fueled a public detestation of African Americans. These performances relied on cruel caricatures, (portraying individuals as lazy, unhygienic, or intellectually inferior) and utilized exaggerated, nonsensical dialogue to mock and distort Black speech.